Peace talks, anyone?

By Hermogenes C. Esperon, Jr.

MY objections on the peace talks are neither because I am on the hit list of the NPA nor because the New People’s Army (NPA) had attacked an Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) detachment or Municipal Hall where the armed forces or police officers are posted. In the laws of war, I am a legitimate target of the NPA being the National Security Adviser and former Chief-of-Staff of the AFP. So to me, it is a fair game if I am in a hit list or if an AFP or PNP detachment or post is attacked.

What is objectionable is when the NPA, surely under the command of National Democratic Front (NDF) and Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), attacks or ambushes civilians as they did in Barangay Libuton, Borongan City, Eastern Samar last December 13, 2019. In this NPA ambush, three civilians and a patrolman were killed, three kids (ages one, six and thirteen) were seriously wounded and eleven adults suffered less serious injuries. The NPA used roadside bombs or improvised explosive devices. This is in violation of the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) which the CPP/NPA/NDF signed and bounded itself to.

I am not surprised that the NPA had no second thoughts about possibly hitting innocent children and civilians. After all, Jose Maria Sison had ordered them to go on the offensive. That is one clear character of the CPP/NPA/NDF - their pursuit of armed struggle to be victorious over the government at all costs. That is the true nature of their so-called National Democratic Revolution. Anything goes - bloodbath, duplicity, and deception as long as it contributes to their eventual victory.

Amidst the mourning and suffering of the victims’ families, all of a sudden the CPP/NPA/NDF and its front organizations called for a resumption of the traditional peace talks. Moreover, as soon as a coordinated unilateral ceasefire was established midnight of Dec 22, the CTG struck in the morning of Dec 23 at AFP troops in Labo, Camarines Norte, resulting to 1 soldier killed and 5 wounded and in Tubungan, Iloilo resulting to 2 policemen wounded. In both instances, IED was used.

So are we going to trust the CPP/NPA/NDF or the Communist Terrorist Group (CTG) in another peace talks? Are they sincere? Do they have control over their fighters?

What is actually the peace talks to the CTG?

Let me answer it from the words of Luis Jalandoni, a ranking CTG leader:

“We see that peace negotiations are another form of legal struggle which is possible to be used by the revolutionary forces in order to advance the revolutionary armed struggle and the revolutionary mass movement. This other form of legal struggle, the peace negotiation, does not replace the revolutionary armed struggle nor the revolutionary mass movement. In fact, it should advance the revolutionary armed struggle and the revolutionary mass movement which is a more important struggle than peace negotiations.”

Likewise, let me also quote the late Fr. Conrado Balweg, the former Cordillera People’s Liberation Army (CPLA) and Cordillera Bodong Association Chairman:

“They are organized to take political power, to become the government, to be the ones in Malacañang. Iyon ang issue sa kanila, hindi peace. Sa peace talks, we are not addressing the problem because we are talking something beyond the point. The NPA is created in order for the CPP to be the ones in government. That is the issue.”

If indeed Joma Sison and the CTG, as well as the 131 Honorable Congressmen who are in favor of peace talks as reported, then let us be clear on what the objectives of the peace talks are. Are we going to hand over governance to the CTG or at least be in a coalition government with them? Are we going to demobilize and demilitarize the NPA or let them become part of the new government armed forces?

Perhaps the answers lie in why the CTGs had been bannering - the so-called Comprehensive Agreement on Social and Economic Reforms (CASER) as a document to be signed prior to the signing of an Interim Peace Agreement.

Let us, therefore, examine their Comprehensive Agreement on Social and Economic Reforms (CASER). They claim that their CASER contains “concrete and doable steps towards liberating the Filipino people from poverty, exploitation, and underdevelopment.”

At first glance, this may appear to be pro-masses as it promises to benefit the majority, if not all, but if we look at it closely, the duplicitous character and self-interest of the CTG become evident, as the provisions do not directly reflect the best interest of the nation, but their own.

For one, their CASER was crafted with the goal of turning the Philippine economic model to nationalist and socialist. This means dismantling the effects of globalization which the CTG views as the source of the country’s continued underdevelopment.

However, dismantling the current economic model means reversing all economic reforms in the past several decades implemented through laws passed by previous administrations. Such move would be an arduous, costly, and extensive process. The Philippines might not only find itself worse off economically if it lets go of the advantages of the current system but also face ostracism and isolation in the community of nations after such a radical shift.

Second, their CASER binds not only the current administration and the CTG, but also ALL THEIR SUCCESSORS. We believe that future conditions merit suitable responses. It would be unreasonable for the current administration to commit to something that would be irrevocable and might present challenges for the next administrations.

Third, the NDF demands that the Agreement shall remain in force and in effect irrespective of the course and outcome of the peace negotiations. This robs the Philippine government of its ability to negotiate on equal footing with the CTG and therefore might sabotage our efforts in attaining a genuine and lasting peace with the rebels.

Their CASER also wants to demobilize the Philippine military personnel by reducing their functions only for civil works and infrastructure construction. On the other hand, under the CASER, the NPA is designated to play a key role in implementing agrarian reform. This will be hugely detrimental to the Philippine government because the military must be able to retain its mandate to protect the people and the nation under various kinds of threats.

Moreover, conceding to their CASER version will not only be an act of admission of their accusations but an act of disregard to the efforts of our leaders and lawmakers in addressing pressing societal issues. The President under his administration labored for the passage of fundamental policy reforms and laws that address the root causes of armed conflict.

These policy reforms include the aggressive implementation of land reform, free irrigation, Free Tertiary Education, Universal Health Care, Expanded 4Ps, and the Build, Build, Build Program.

We have had many attempts to end the conflict with the CTG since 1986 with over 40 rounds of peace talks conducted and with the same people as negotiators. But for the longest time, the peace talks were only used as a period to rest when badly beaten, seek reinforcements, and initiate recruitment. Engaging in another round of peace talks after all these years and all our efforts without significant changes is therefore pointless.

After presenting the objectionable provisions of their proposed CASER, would it be beneficial to the nation that we engage the CTG in another round of peace talks?

We have alternatives to peace talks. We are now pursuing local peace engagements which have resulted in understanding and the mainstreaming of rebels.

Moreover, the government has the capacity to fulfill its obligations for social justice and development. Who needs the CPP/NPA/NDF?

(Hermogenes C. Esperon, Jr., former AFP Chief-of-Staff, is National Security Adviser and Vice-Chair of the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict)